Mikhail Gorbachev's December 7, 1988, address to the United Nations General Assembly prefigured the revolutions in Eastern Europe that brought the Soviet empire (though not yet the Soviet Union) to an end in 1989. Excerpts from the speech were published in the New York Times, with translation provided by the Soviet Mission at the UN.
* * *
The problem of mankind's survival and self-preservation came to the fore.
That is the first and the most important component of a nonviolent world as an ideal which we proclaimed together with India in the Delhi Declaration and which we invite you to follow.
The new phase also requires de-ideologizing relations among states. We are not abandoning our convictions, our philosophy or traditions, nor do we urge anyone to abandon theirs.
We are, of course, far from claiming to be in possession of the ultimate truth. But, on the basis of a thorough analysis of the past and newly emerging realities, we have concluded that it is on those lines that we should jointly seek the way leading to the supremacy of the universal human idea over the endless multitude of centrifugal forces, the way to preserve the vitality of this civilization, possibly the only one in the entire universe.
Could this view be a little too romantic? Are we not overestimating the potential and the maturity of the world's social consciousness? We have heard such doubts and such questions both in our country and from some of our Western partners.
I am convinced that we are not floating above reality.
We regard prospects for the near and more distant future quite optimistically.
Just look at the changes in our relations with the United States. Little by little, mutual understanding has started to develop and elements of trust have emerged, without which it is very hard to make headway in politics.
In Europe, these elements are even more numerous. The Helsinki process is a great process. New Vigor at the U.N.
I am convinced that our time and the realities of today's world call for internationalizing dialogue and the negotiating process.
This is the main, the most general conclusion that we have come to in studying global trends that have been gaining momentum in recent years, and in participating in world politics.
In this specific historical situation we face the question of a new role for the United Nations.
The recent reinvigoration of its peacemaking role has again demonstrated the United Nations' ability to assist its members in coping with the daunting challenges of our time and working to humanize their relations.
External debt is one of the gravest problems. Let us not forget that in the age of colonialism the developing world, at the cost of countless losses and sacrifices, financed the prosperity of a large portion of the world community. The time has come to make up for the losses that accompanied its historic and tragic contribution to global material progress.
We are convinced that here, too, internationalizing our approach shows a way out.
Looking at things realistically, one has to admit that the accumulated debt cannot be repaid or recovered on the original terms. The Burden of World Debt
The Soviet Union is prepared to institute a lengthy moratorium of up to 100 years on debt servicing by the least developed countries, and in quite a few cases to write off the debt altogether.
As regards other developing countries, we invite you to consider the following:
* Limiting their official debt servicing payments depending on the economic performance of each of them or granting them a long pariod of deferral in the repayment of a major portion of their debt;
* Supporting the appeal of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development for reducing debts owed to commercial banks;
* Guaranteeing government support for market arrangements to assist in Third World debt settlement, including the formation of a specialized international agency that would repurchase debts at a discount.
The Soviet Union favours a substantive discussion of ways to settle the debt crisis at multilateral forums, including consultations under the auspices of the United Nations among heads of government of debtor and creditor countries.
International economic security is inconceivable unless related not only to disarmament but also to the elimination of the threat to the world's environment. In a number of regions, the state of the environment is simply frightening.
Let us also think about setting up within the framework of the United Nations a center for emergency environmental assistance. Its function would be promptly to send international groups of experts to areas with badly deteriorating environment.
The Soviet Union is also ready to cooperate in establishing an international space laboratory or manned orbital station designed exclusively for monitoring the state of the environment.
In the general area of space exploration, the outlines of a future space industry are becoming increasingly clear.
The position of the Soviet Union is well known: activities in outer space must rule out the appearance of weapons there. Here again, there has to be a legal base. The groundwork for it - the provisions of the 1967 treaty and other agreements - is already in place.
We have put forward our proposal to establish it on more than one occasion. We are prepared to incorporate within its system our Krasnoyarsk radar station. A decision has already been taken to place that radar under the authority of the U.S.S.R. Academy of Sciences.
Soviet scientists are prepared to receive their foreign colleagues and discuss with them ways of converting it into an international center for peaceful cooperation by dismantling and refitting certain units and structures, and to provide additional equipment.
The entire system could function under the auspices of the United Nations.
The whole world welcomes the efforts of this organization and its Secretary General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, and his representatives in untying knots of regional problems. Allow me to elaborate on this. Paraphrasing the words of the English poet that Hemingway took as an epigraph to his famous novel,
I will say this: The bell of every regional conflict tolls for all of us.
This is particularly true, since those conflicts are taking place in the Third World, which already faces many ills and problems of such magnitude that is has to be a matter of concern to us all.
The year 1988 has brought a glimmer of hope in this area of our common concerns as well. This has been felt in almost all regional crises. On some of them, there has been movement. We welcome it and we did what we could to contribute to it.
I will single out only Afghanistan. Ending the Afghan War
The Geneva accords, whose fundamental and practical significance has been praised throughout the world, provided a possibility for completing the process of settlement even before the end of this year. That did not happen.
This unfortunate fact reminds us again of the political, legal and moral significance of the Roman maxim ''pacta sunt servanda'' -treaties must be observed.
I don't want to use this rostrum for recriminations against anyone.
But it is our view that, within the competence of the United Nations, the General Assembly Resolution adopted last November could be supplemented by some specific measures.
In the words of that resolution, for the urgent achievement of a comprehensive solution by the Afghans themselves of the question of a broad-based government the following should be undertaken:
* A complete cease-fire effective everywhere as of Jan. 1, 1989, and the cessation of all offensive operations or shellings, with the opposing Afghan groups retaining, for the duration of negotiations, all territories under their control;
* Linked to that, stopping as of the same date any supplies of arms to all belligerents;
* For the period of establishing a broad-based government, as provided in the General Assembly resolution, sending to Kabul and other strategic centres of the country a contingent of United Nations peacekeeping forces;
* We also request the secretary general to facilitate early implementation of the idea of holding an international conference on the neutrality and demilitarization of Afghanistan.
We shall continue most actively to assist in healing the wounds of the war and are prepared to cooperate in this endeavor both with the United Nations and on a bilateral basis.
We support the proposal to create under the auspices of the United Nations a voluntary international Peace Corps to assist in the revival of Afghanistan.
In the context of the problem of settling regional conflicts, I have to express my opinion on the serious incident that has recently affected the work of this session. The chairman of an organization which has observer status at the United Nations was not allowed by U.S. authorities to come to New York to address the General Assembly. I am referring to Yasir Arafat.
What is more, this happened at a time when the Palestine Liberation Organization has made a constructive step which facilitates the search for a solution to the Middle East problem with the involvement of the United Nations Security Council.
This happened at a time when a positive trend has become apparent toward a political settlement of other regional conflicts, in many cases with the assistance of the Soviet Union and the United States. We voice our deep regret over the incident and our solidarity with the Palestine Liberation Organization.
I would like to join the voice of my country in the expressions of high appreciation of the significance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted 40 years ago, on Dec. 10, 1948.
Today, this document retains its significance. It, too, reflects the universal nature of the goals and objectives of the United Nations.
The most fitting way for a state to observe this anniversary of the declaration is to improve its domestic conditions for respectlng and protecting the rights of its own citizens.
Before I inform you on what specifically we have undertaken recently in this respect I would like to say the following.
Our country is going through a period of truly revolutionary uplifting.
The process of perestroika is gaining momentum. We began with the formulation of the theoretical concept of perestroika. We had to evaluate the nature and the magnitude of problems, to understand the lessons of the past and express that in the form of political conclusions and programmes. This was done.
Theoretical work, a reassessment of what is happening, the finalization, enrichment and readjustment of political positions have not been completed. They are continuing.
But it was essential to begin with an overall concept, which, as now confirmed by the experience of these past years, has generally proved to be correct and which has no alternative.
For our society to participate in efforts to implement the plans of perestroika, it had to be democratized in practice. Under the sign of democratization, perestroika has now spread to politics, the economy, intellectual life and ideology. Economic Changes at Home
We have initiated a radical economic reform. We have gained experience. At the start of next year the entire national economy will be redirected to new forms and methods of operation. This also means profoundly reorganizing relations of production and releasing the tremendous potential inherent in socialist property.
Undertaking such bold revolutionary transformations, we realized that there would be mistakes, and also opposition, that new approaches would generate new problems. We also foresaw the possibility of slowdowns in some areas.
But the guarantee that the overall process of perestroika will steadily move forward and gain strength lies in a profound democratic reform of the entire system of power and administration.
With the recent decisions by the Supreme Soviet on amendments to the Constitution and the adoption of the Law on Elections, we have completed the first stage of the process of political reform.
Without pausing, we have begun the second stage of this process with the main task of improving the relationship between the center and the republics, harmonizing interethnic relations on the principles of Leninist internationalism that we inherited from the Great Revolution, and at the same time reorganizing the local system of Soviet power.
A great deal of work lies ahead. Major tasks will have to be dealt with concurrently.
We are full of confidence. We have a theory and a policy, and also the vanguard force of perestroika - the party, which also is restructuring itself in accordance with new tasks and fundamental changes in society as a whole.
What is most important is that all our peoples and all generations of citizens of our great country support perestroika. Building by Rebuilding
We have become deeply involved in building a socialist state based on the rule of law. Work on a series of new laws has been completed or is nearing completion.
Many of them will enter into force as early as in 1989, and we expect them to meet the highest standards from the standpoint of ensuring the rights of the individual.
Soviet democracy will be placed on a solid normative base. I am referring, in particular, to laws on the freedom of conscience, glasnost, public associations and organizations, and many others.
In places of confinement there are no persons convicted for their political or religious beliefs.
Naturally this does not apply to those who committed actual criminal offenses or state crimes such as espionage, sabotage, terrorism, etc., whatever their political or ideological beliefs.
Draft amendments to the penal code have been prepared and are awaiting their turn. Among the articles being revised are those related to capital punishment.
The problem of exit from and entry to our country, including the question of leaving it for family reunification, is being dealt with in a humane spirit. Helsinki and the Hague
As you know, one of the reasons for refusal to leave is a person's knowledge of secrets. Strictly warranted time limitations on the secrecy rule will now be applied. Every person seeking employment at certain agencies or enterprises will be informed of this rule. In case of disputes, there is a right of appeal under the law.
This removes from the agenda the problem of the so-called ''refuseniks.''
We intend to expand the Soviet Union's participation in the United Nations and Conference of Security and Cooperation in Europe human rights monitoring arrangements. We believe that the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice at the Hague as regards the interpretation and implementation of agreements on human rights should be binding on all states.
We regard as part of the Helsinki process the cessation of jamming of all foreign radio broadcasts beamed at the Soviet Union.
Overall, this is our credo. Political problems must be solved only by political means; human problems, only in a humane way. Reductions in Armed Forces
Now let me turn to the main issue - disarmament, without which none of the problems of the coming century can be solved.
Today, I can report to you that the Soviet Union has taken a decision to reduce its armed forces.
By agreement with our Warsaw Treaty allies, we have decided to withdraw by 1991 six tank divisions from East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, and to disband them.
Assault landing troops and several other formations and units, including assault crossing units with their weapons and combat equipment, will also be withdrawn from the groups of Soviet forces stationed in those countries.
Soviet forces stationed in those countries will be reduced by 50,000 men and their armaments, by 5,000 tanks.
All Soviet divisions remaining, for the time being, in the territory of our allies are being reorganized. Their structure will be different from what it is now; after a major cutback of their tanks it will become clearly defensive.
At the same time, we shall reduce the numerical strength of the armed forces and the numbers of armaments stationed in the European part of the Soviet Union.
In total, Soviet armed forces in this part of our country and in the territories of our European allies will be reduced by 10,000 tanks, 8,500 artillery systems and 800 combat aircraft.
Over these two years we intend to reduce significantly our armed forces in the Asian part of our country, too. By agreement with the government of the Mongolian People's Republic a major portion of Soviet troops temporarily stationed there will return home.
In taking this fundamental decision the Soviet leadership expresses the will of the people, who have undertaken a profound renewal of their entire socialist society. The Economy of Disarmament
We shall maintain our country's defense capability at a level of reasonable and reliable sufficiency so that no one might be tempted to encroach on the security of the Soviet Union and our allies.
By this action, and by all our activities in favor of demilitarizing international relations, we wish to draw the attention of the international community to yet another pressing problem - the problem of transition from the economy of armaments to an economy of disarmament.
Is conversion of military production a realistic idea? I have already had occasion to speak about this. We think that, indeed, it is realistic.
For its part, the Soviet Union is prepared to do these things:
* In the framework of our economic reform we are ready to draw up and make public our internal plan of conversion;
* In the course of 1989 to draw up, as an experiment, conversion plans for two or three defense plants;
* To make public our experience in providing employment for specialists from military industry and in using its equipment, buildings and structures in civilian production.
It is desirable that all states, in the first place major military powers, should submit to the United Nations their national conversion plans.
It would also be useful to set up a group of scientists to undertake a thorough analysis of the problem of conversion as a whole and as applied to individual countries and regions and report to the secretary-general of the United Nations, and, subsequently, to have this matter considered at a session of the General Assembly. Future Relations With U.S.
And finally, since I am here on American soil, and also for other obvious reasons, I have to turn to the subject of our relations with this great country. I had a chance to appreciate the full measure of its hospitality during my memorable visit to Washington exactly a year ago.
The relations between the Soviet Union and the United States of America have a history of five and a half decades. As the world changed, so did the nature, role and place of those relations in world politics.
For too long a time they developed along the lines of confrontation and sometimes animosity - either overt or covert.
But in the last few years the entire world could breath a sigh of relief thanks to the changes for the better in the substance and the atmosphere of the relationship between Moscow and Washington.
No one intends to underestimate the seriousness of our differences and the toughness of outstanding problems. We have, however, already graduated from the primary school of learning to understand each other and seek solutions in both our own and common interests. Eliminating Nuclear Arms
The Soviet Union and the United States have built the largest nuclear and missile arsenals. But it is those two countries that, having become specifically aware of their responsibility, were the first to conclude a treaty on the reduction and physical elimination of a portion of their armaments which posed a threat to both of them and to all others.
Both countries possess the greatest and the most sophisticated military secrets. But it is those two countries that have laid a basis for and are further developing a system of mutual verification both of the elimination of armaments and of the reduction and prohibition of their production.
It is those two countries that are accumulating the experience for future bilateral and multilateral agreements.
We value this. We acknowledge and appreciate the contribution made by President Ronald Reagan and by the members of his administration, particularly Mr. George Shultz.
All this is our joint investment in a venture of historic importance. We must not lose this investment, or leave it idle.
The next U.S. administration, headed by President-elect George Bush, will find in us a partner who is ready - without long pauses or backtracking - to continue the dialogue in a spirit of realism, openness and good will, with a willingness to achieve concrete results working on the agenda which covers the main issues of Soviet-U.S. relations and world politics.
* Consistent movement toward a treaty on 50 percent reductions in strategic offensive arms while preserving the ABM treaty;
* Working out a convention on the elimination of chemical weapons - here, as we see it, prerequisites exist to make 1989 a decisive year;
* And negotiations on the reduction of conventional arms and armed forces in Europe.
I also have in mind economic, environmental and humanistic problems in their broadest sense.
I would like to believe that our hopes will be matched by our joint effort to put an end to an era of wars, confrontation and regional conflicts, to aggressions against nature, to the terror of hunger and poverty as well as to political terrorism.
This is our common goal and we can only reach it together.
Thank you.
* * *
We have come here to show our respect for the United
Nations, which increasingly has been manifesting its ability to act as a
unique international center in the service of peace and security.
The world in which we live today is radically
different from what it was at the beginning or even in the middle of
this century. And it continues to change as do all its components.
The advent of nuclear weapons was just another
tragic reminder of the fundamental nature of that change. A material
symbol and expression of absolute military power, nuclear weapons at the
same time revealed the absolute limits of that power.
The problem of mankind's survival and self-preservation came to the fore.
It is obvious, for instance, that the use or threat
of force no longer can or must be an instrument of foreign policy. This
applies above all to nuclear arms, but that is not the only thing that
matters. All of us, and primarily the stronger of us, must exercise
self-restraint and totally rule out any outward-oriented use of force.
That is the first and the most important component of a nonviolent world as an ideal which we proclaimed together with India in the Delhi Declaration and which we invite you to follow.
The new phase also requires de-ideologizing relations among states. We are not abandoning our convictions, our philosophy or traditions, nor do we urge anyone to abandon theirs.
But neither do we have any intention to be hemmed in
by our values. That would result in intellectual impoverishment, for it
would mean rejecting a powerful source of development - the exchange of
everything original that each nation has independently created.
In the course of such exchange, let everyone show
the advantages of their social system, way of life or values - and not
just by words or propaganda, but by real deeds.
That would be a fair rivalry of ideologies. But it
should not be extended to relations among states. Romantic? No,
Realistic
We are, of course, far from claiming to be in possession of the ultimate truth. But, on the basis of a thorough analysis of the past and newly emerging realities, we have concluded that it is on those lines that we should jointly seek the way leading to the supremacy of the universal human idea over the endless multitude of centrifugal forces, the way to preserve the vitality of this civilization, possibly the only one in the entire universe.
Could this view be a little too romantic? Are we not overestimating the potential and the maturity of the world's social consciousness? We have heard such doubts and such questions both in our country and from some of our Western partners.
I am convinced that we are not floating above reality.
We regard prospects for the near and more distant future quite optimistically.
Just look at the changes in our relations with the United States. Little by little, mutual understanding has started to develop and elements of trust have emerged, without which it is very hard to make headway in politics.
In Europe, these elements are even more numerous. The Helsinki process is a great process. New Vigor at the U.N.
I am convinced that our time and the realities of today's world call for internationalizing dialogue and the negotiating process.
This is the main, the most general conclusion that we have come to in studying global trends that have been gaining momentum in recent years, and in participating in world politics.
In this specific historical situation we face the question of a new role for the United Nations.
We feel that states must to some extent review their
attitude to the United Nations, this unique instrument without which
world politics would be inconceivable today.
The recent reinvigoration of its peacemaking role has again demonstrated the United Nations' ability to assist its members in coping with the daunting challenges of our time and working to humanize their relations.
External debt is one of the gravest problems. Let us not forget that in the age of colonialism the developing world, at the cost of countless losses and sacrifices, financed the prosperity of a large portion of the world community. The time has come to make up for the losses that accompanied its historic and tragic contribution to global material progress.
We are convinced that here, too, internationalizing our approach shows a way out.
Looking at things realistically, one has to admit that the accumulated debt cannot be repaid or recovered on the original terms. The Burden of World Debt
The Soviet Union is prepared to institute a lengthy moratorium of up to 100 years on debt servicing by the least developed countries, and in quite a few cases to write off the debt altogether.
As regards other developing countries, we invite you to consider the following:
* Limiting their official debt servicing payments depending on the economic performance of each of them or granting them a long pariod of deferral in the repayment of a major portion of their debt;
* Supporting the appeal of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development for reducing debts owed to commercial banks;
* Guaranteeing government support for market arrangements to assist in Third World debt settlement, including the formation of a specialized international agency that would repurchase debts at a discount.
The Soviet Union favours a substantive discussion of ways to settle the debt crisis at multilateral forums, including consultations under the auspices of the United Nations among heads of government of debtor and creditor countries.
International economic security is inconceivable unless related not only to disarmament but also to the elimination of the threat to the world's environment. In a number of regions, the state of the environment is simply frightening.
Let us also think about setting up within the framework of the United Nations a center for emergency environmental assistance. Its function would be promptly to send international groups of experts to areas with badly deteriorating environment.
The Soviet Union is also ready to cooperate in establishing an international space laboratory or manned orbital station designed exclusively for monitoring the state of the environment.
In the general area of space exploration, the outlines of a future space industry are becoming increasingly clear.
The position of the Soviet Union is well known: activities in outer space must rule out the appearance of weapons there. Here again, there has to be a legal base. The groundwork for it - the provisions of the 1967 treaty and other agreements - is already in place.
We have put forward our proposal to establish it on more than one occasion. We are prepared to incorporate within its system our Krasnoyarsk radar station. A decision has already been taken to place that radar under the authority of the U.S.S.R. Academy of Sciences.
Soviet scientists are prepared to receive their foreign colleagues and discuss with them ways of converting it into an international center for peaceful cooperation by dismantling and refitting certain units and structures, and to provide additional equipment.
The entire system could function under the auspices of the United Nations.
The whole world welcomes the efforts of this organization and its Secretary General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, and his representatives in untying knots of regional problems. Allow me to elaborate on this. Paraphrasing the words of the English poet that Hemingway took as an epigraph to his famous novel,
I will say this: The bell of every regional conflict tolls for all of us.
This is particularly true, since those conflicts are taking place in the Third World, which already faces many ills and problems of such magnitude that is has to be a matter of concern to us all.
The year 1988 has brought a glimmer of hope in this area of our common concerns as well. This has been felt in almost all regional crises. On some of them, there has been movement. We welcome it and we did what we could to contribute to it.
I will single out only Afghanistan. Ending the Afghan War
The Geneva accords, whose fundamental and practical significance has been praised throughout the world, provided a possibility for completing the process of settlement even before the end of this year. That did not happen.
This unfortunate fact reminds us again of the political, legal and moral significance of the Roman maxim ''pacta sunt servanda'' -treaties must be observed.
I don't want to use this rostrum for recriminations against anyone.
But it is our view that, within the competence of the United Nations, the General Assembly Resolution adopted last November could be supplemented by some specific measures.
In the words of that resolution, for the urgent achievement of a comprehensive solution by the Afghans themselves of the question of a broad-based government the following should be undertaken:
* A complete cease-fire effective everywhere as of Jan. 1, 1989, and the cessation of all offensive operations or shellings, with the opposing Afghan groups retaining, for the duration of negotiations, all territories under their control;
* Linked to that, stopping as of the same date any supplies of arms to all belligerents;
* For the period of establishing a broad-based government, as provided in the General Assembly resolution, sending to Kabul and other strategic centres of the country a contingent of United Nations peacekeeping forces;
* We also request the secretary general to facilitate early implementation of the idea of holding an international conference on the neutrality and demilitarization of Afghanistan.
We shall continue most actively to assist in healing the wounds of the war and are prepared to cooperate in this endeavor both with the United Nations and on a bilateral basis.
We support the proposal to create under the auspices of the United Nations a voluntary international Peace Corps to assist in the revival of Afghanistan.
In the context of the problem of settling regional conflicts, I have to express my opinion on the serious incident that has recently affected the work of this session. The chairman of an organization which has observer status at the United Nations was not allowed by U.S. authorities to come to New York to address the General Assembly. I am referring to Yasir Arafat.
What is more, this happened at a time when the Palestine Liberation Organization has made a constructive step which facilitates the search for a solution to the Middle East problem with the involvement of the United Nations Security Council.
This happened at a time when a positive trend has become apparent toward a political settlement of other regional conflicts, in many cases with the assistance of the Soviet Union and the United States. We voice our deep regret over the incident and our solidarity with the Palestine Liberation Organization.
I would like to join the voice of my country in the expressions of high appreciation of the significance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted 40 years ago, on Dec. 10, 1948.
Today, this document retains its significance. It, too, reflects the universal nature of the goals and objectives of the United Nations.
The most fitting way for a state to observe this anniversary of the declaration is to improve its domestic conditions for respectlng and protecting the rights of its own citizens.
Before I inform you on what specifically we have undertaken recently in this respect I would like to say the following.
Our country is going through a period of truly revolutionary uplifting.
The process of perestroika is gaining momentum. We began with the formulation of the theoretical concept of perestroika. We had to evaluate the nature and the magnitude of problems, to understand the lessons of the past and express that in the form of political conclusions and programmes. This was done.
Theoretical work, a reassessment of what is happening, the finalization, enrichment and readjustment of political positions have not been completed. They are continuing.
But it was essential to begin with an overall concept, which, as now confirmed by the experience of these past years, has generally proved to be correct and which has no alternative.
For our society to participate in efforts to implement the plans of perestroika, it had to be democratized in practice. Under the sign of democratization, perestroika has now spread to politics, the economy, intellectual life and ideology. Economic Changes at Home
We have initiated a radical economic reform. We have gained experience. At the start of next year the entire national economy will be redirected to new forms and methods of operation. This also means profoundly reorganizing relations of production and releasing the tremendous potential inherent in socialist property.
Undertaking such bold revolutionary transformations, we realized that there would be mistakes, and also opposition, that new approaches would generate new problems. We also foresaw the possibility of slowdowns in some areas.
But the guarantee that the overall process of perestroika will steadily move forward and gain strength lies in a profound democratic reform of the entire system of power and administration.
With the recent decisions by the Supreme Soviet on amendments to the Constitution and the adoption of the Law on Elections, we have completed the first stage of the process of political reform.
Without pausing, we have begun the second stage of this process with the main task of improving the relationship between the center and the republics, harmonizing interethnic relations on the principles of Leninist internationalism that we inherited from the Great Revolution, and at the same time reorganizing the local system of Soviet power.
A great deal of work lies ahead. Major tasks will have to be dealt with concurrently.
We are full of confidence. We have a theory and a policy, and also the vanguard force of perestroika - the party, which also is restructuring itself in accordance with new tasks and fundamental changes in society as a whole.
What is most important is that all our peoples and all generations of citizens of our great country support perestroika. Building by Rebuilding
We have become deeply involved in building a socialist state based on the rule of law. Work on a series of new laws has been completed or is nearing completion.
Many of them will enter into force as early as in 1989, and we expect them to meet the highest standards from the standpoint of ensuring the rights of the individual.
Soviet democracy will be placed on a solid normative base. I am referring, in particular, to laws on the freedom of conscience, glasnost, public associations and organizations, and many others.
In places of confinement there are no persons convicted for their political or religious beliefs.
Additional guarantees are to be included in the new
draft laws that rule out any form of persecution on those grounds.
Naturally this does not apply to those who committed actual criminal offenses or state crimes such as espionage, sabotage, terrorism, etc., whatever their political or ideological beliefs.
Draft amendments to the penal code have been prepared and are awaiting their turn. Among the articles being revised are those related to capital punishment.
The problem of exit from and entry to our country, including the question of leaving it for family reunification, is being dealt with in a humane spirit. Helsinki and the Hague
As you know, one of the reasons for refusal to leave is a person's knowledge of secrets. Strictly warranted time limitations on the secrecy rule will now be applied. Every person seeking employment at certain agencies or enterprises will be informed of this rule. In case of disputes, there is a right of appeal under the law.
This removes from the agenda the problem of the so-called ''refuseniks.''
We intend to expand the Soviet Union's participation in the United Nations and Conference of Security and Cooperation in Europe human rights monitoring arrangements. We believe that the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice at the Hague as regards the interpretation and implementation of agreements on human rights should be binding on all states.
We regard as part of the Helsinki process the cessation of jamming of all foreign radio broadcasts beamed at the Soviet Union.
Overall, this is our credo. Political problems must be solved only by political means; human problems, only in a humane way. Reductions in Armed Forces
Now let me turn to the main issue - disarmament, without which none of the problems of the coming century can be solved.
Today, I can report to you that the Soviet Union has taken a decision to reduce its armed forces.
Within the next two years their numerical strength
will be reduced by 500,000 men. The numbers of conventional armaments
will also be substantially reduced. This will be done unilaterally,
without relation to the talks on the mandate of the Vienna meeting.
By agreement with our Warsaw Treaty allies, we have decided to withdraw by 1991 six tank divisions from East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, and to disband them.
Assault landing troops and several other formations and units, including assault crossing units with their weapons and combat equipment, will also be withdrawn from the groups of Soviet forces stationed in those countries.
Soviet forces stationed in those countries will be reduced by 50,000 men and their armaments, by 5,000 tanks.
All Soviet divisions remaining, for the time being, in the territory of our allies are being reorganized. Their structure will be different from what it is now; after a major cutback of their tanks it will become clearly defensive.
At the same time, we shall reduce the numerical strength of the armed forces and the numbers of armaments stationed in the European part of the Soviet Union.
In total, Soviet armed forces in this part of our country and in the territories of our European allies will be reduced by 10,000 tanks, 8,500 artillery systems and 800 combat aircraft.
Over these two years we intend to reduce significantly our armed forces in the Asian part of our country, too. By agreement with the government of the Mongolian People's Republic a major portion of Soviet troops temporarily stationed there will return home.
In taking this fundamental decision the Soviet leadership expresses the will of the people, who have undertaken a profound renewal of their entire socialist society. The Economy of Disarmament
We shall maintain our country's defense capability at a level of reasonable and reliable sufficiency so that no one might be tempted to encroach on the security of the Soviet Union and our allies.
By this action, and by all our activities in favor of demilitarizing international relations, we wish to draw the attention of the international community to yet another pressing problem - the problem of transition from the economy of armaments to an economy of disarmament.
Is conversion of military production a realistic idea? I have already had occasion to speak about this. We think that, indeed, it is realistic.
For its part, the Soviet Union is prepared to do these things:
* In the framework of our economic reform we are ready to draw up and make public our internal plan of conversion;
* In the course of 1989 to draw up, as an experiment, conversion plans for two or three defense plants;
* To make public our experience in providing employment for specialists from military industry and in using its equipment, buildings and structures in civilian production.
It is desirable that all states, in the first place major military powers, should submit to the United Nations their national conversion plans.
It would also be useful to set up a group of scientists to undertake a thorough analysis of the problem of conversion as a whole and as applied to individual countries and regions and report to the secretary-general of the United Nations, and, subsequently, to have this matter considered at a session of the General Assembly. Future Relations With U.S.
And finally, since I am here on American soil, and also for other obvious reasons, I have to turn to the subject of our relations with this great country. I had a chance to appreciate the full measure of its hospitality during my memorable visit to Washington exactly a year ago.
The relations between the Soviet Union and the United States of America have a history of five and a half decades. As the world changed, so did the nature, role and place of those relations in world politics.
For too long a time they developed along the lines of confrontation and sometimes animosity - either overt or covert.
But in the last few years the entire world could breath a sigh of relief thanks to the changes for the better in the substance and the atmosphere of the relationship between Moscow and Washington.
No one intends to underestimate the seriousness of our differences and the toughness of outstanding problems. We have, however, already graduated from the primary school of learning to understand each other and seek solutions in both our own and common interests. Eliminating Nuclear Arms
The Soviet Union and the United States have built the largest nuclear and missile arsenals. But it is those two countries that, having become specifically aware of their responsibility, were the first to conclude a treaty on the reduction and physical elimination of a portion of their armaments which posed a threat to both of them and to all others.
Both countries possess the greatest and the most sophisticated military secrets. But it is those two countries that have laid a basis for and are further developing a system of mutual verification both of the elimination of armaments and of the reduction and prohibition of their production.
It is those two countries that are accumulating the experience for future bilateral and multilateral agreements.
We value this. We acknowledge and appreciate the contribution made by President Ronald Reagan and by the members of his administration, particularly Mr. George Shultz.
All this is our joint investment in a venture of historic importance. We must not lose this investment, or leave it idle.
The next U.S. administration, headed by President-elect George Bush, will find in us a partner who is ready - without long pauses or backtracking - to continue the dialogue in a spirit of realism, openness and good will, with a willingness to achieve concrete results working on the agenda which covers the main issues of Soviet-U.S. relations and world politics.
I have in mind, above all, these things:
* Consistent movement toward a treaty on 50 percent reductions in strategic offensive arms while preserving the ABM treaty;
* Working out a convention on the elimination of chemical weapons - here, as we see it, prerequisites exist to make 1989 a decisive year;
* And negotiations on the reduction of conventional arms and armed forces in Europe.
I also have in mind economic, environmental and humanistic problems in their broadest sense.
I would like to believe that our hopes will be matched by our joint effort to put an end to an era of wars, confrontation and regional conflicts, to aggressions against nature, to the terror of hunger and poverty as well as to political terrorism.
This is our common goal and we can only reach it together.
Thank you.
No comments:
Post a Comment