Michael Roth is a German Minister of State. In this speech
at the 64th Königswinter Conference in Cambridge, England,
Roth summarizes the conventional western view of the Ukraine crisis.
* * *
The international order has been
severely shaken by Russia’s annexation of Crimea. Until recently such a
situation in Europe would have seemed unimaginable. We all agree that Russia’s
actions are absolutely unacceptable and in breach of international law. Its
behaviour is a challenge for Europe and the foundations on which it is built.
Coming hard on the heels of the economic and financial crisis, this is the
second big test Europe has had to face in a very short period.
So have we as Europeans managed to
remain united in this crisis? The answer is yes – also thanks to London and
Berlin acting in unison. EU leaders unanimously agreed on a three-step
approach. Asset freezes and travel bans against those responsible for violating
Ukraine’s territorial integrity are now in place. The USA, Canada and others
have acted in the same vein. All this has sent a clear signal: Russia’s
behaviour here is something we cannot tolerate. We stand ready to take further
restrictive measures if Russia continues to escalate the situation.
But it’s crucial at this point also
to weigh our options very carefully. While considering how best to respond to
Russia, we must make sure we retain the necessary room for maneuvre. Our aim is
not to “punish” Russian aggression but to deter further escalation by the most
effective and credible means available. And to facilitate de-escalation
wherever a window of opportunity opens.
We must also ask ourselves who
would pay the highest price for further escalation. In Europe it’s not the
United Kingdom or Germany that would pay this price but our partners in Central
and Eastern Europe. They are the most vulnerable countries here. We may of
course be forced to take additional steps against Russia. And in that case we’d
have to actively demonstrate our solidarity with those partners in Europe that
need help.
Let me make another more general
point here. We Europeans should take more pride, I feel, in what we’ve
achieved. The strength of the EU lies, after all, in its soft power. Of course,
as we’ve seen in recent weeks, that almost inevitably forces us into opposition
with Russia, which remains stuck in a 19th-century mindset – a mindset in which
big countries determine the fate of smaller countries.
Yet our diplomatic and political
approach to the crisis in Ukraine is absolutely right, I believe. We remain
united, we look for ways to avoid further escalation, we keep channels of
communication open and seek to de-escalate wherever a window of opportunity
opens. I’m fully convinced that in the medium and long term our European
approach will prevail. The 19th century is over and done with. In the long run,
one power is bound to lose out – and that will be Russia. In this sense, the
Economist is quite wrong to proclaim a “new world order”, as it does in its
current issue.
Later in his speech, Roth notes a series of disagreements between Germany and Britain over the purpose of the European Union:
We don’t believe that the EU can or
should limit itself to providing some kind of easily quantifiable “output
legitimacy”. To most Germans that would seem just as absurd as the idea of
quantifying the value of Hyde Park by counting how many potatoes grow there. To
us Germans, Europe has a different raison d’être, it’s not just a free trade
area yielding economic benefits. Europe isn’t just about business. It’s also
and above all a community of values and solidarity.
As you know, we Germans are very
attached to what we call the social market economy – the balancing of economic
prosperity with social justice. I’m firmly convinced that longer-term growth
can be achieved only if you also invest in social cohesion. Europe can’t simply
be a collection of islands of prosperity. The most pressing issue at the moment
is the enormously high youth unemployment in many EU countries. In Greece more
than 60% of the young are out of work. Obviously we can’t afford to lose a
whole generation of young Europeans, many of whom are highly qualified. So we
need to demonstrate greater solidarity and give a helping hand to Europe’s
poorer regions – in our best own interest. A politically and economically
strong, but also socially just Europe is what makes us so unique. That’s our global
trademark.
I share the British view that we
need to regain people’s trust by focusing on solving real problems rather than
banning olive oil containers. The EU needs to learn how to prioritize. In
President Barroso’s words: “Europe needs to be big on big things and smaller on
smaller things.” But we won’t turn the clock back in the EU by reversing
integration. As far as Treaty changes are concerned, new “red cards”,
re-editing passages referring to “ever closer union” or repatriating
competences are things we can’t go along with.
As you’re all aware many Germans
love the “s-word” – subsidiarity. Well,
I personally am not particularly fond of the word. Maybe that makes me a bad
German. But rather than discussing whether we need more or less Europe, I think
we should focus our energies on how to achieve a better Europe.
* * *
Speech by Minister of State Michael Roth at the 64th Königswinter Conference in Cambridge, Federal Foreign Office, March 27, 2014.
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